Siri 22 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

Siri 22 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

#HariIniDalamSejarah 
21 Julai 2011.

21 Julai – 24 Aktivis PSM ( selain 6 orang PSM EO6 ) yang ditahan pada 2 Jun, 2011 dan dibebaskan atas jamin pada 4 Julai, 2011 telah diminta hadir ke Mahkamah pada untuk kes tuduhan mereka.  

Edmund Bon Kredit : TheMalaysianInsider.com

Peguam PSM, Edmond Bon menyatakan bahawa dalam kesemua affidavit balasan dari Peguam Negara terhadap permohonan Harbeas Corpus yang difailkan oleh PSM, Kerajaan langsung tidak menyebut bahawa aktivis PSM ditahan kerana membangkitkan ideologi komunis. Peguam Negara hanya menyatakan bahawa mereka ditahan kerana menjadi penggerak kepada BERSIH 2011. Maka jelas bahawa propaganda Kerajaan selama ini adalah tohmahan palsu dan tidak berasas.

Lanjutan dari pendedahan kandungan affidavit tersebut, Karpal Singh terus mengecam Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri kerana kenyataan yang palsu itu bertentangan dengan affidavit bersumpah pegawai Jabatan Siasatan Jenayah Bukit Aman.

Kamarul Zaman was in an authoritative position to make a sworn statement that the six were detained under EO for their alleged roles in Bersih 2.0 and not for activities related to communism, although the police grounds for the detention were baseless in the first place”. It reflects serious mala fides on the part of the police in relation to the arrest and detention of the PSM six under the EO,” 

Maka Karpal Singh mendesak agar Menteri Hishammuddin Hussein mengarahkan polis untuk menarik balik affidavit jawapan tersebut dan terus membebaskan PSM EO6 itu.

MP Rembau Kredit : BH Online

Pada hari ini juga, anehnya seorang Ahli Parlimen UMNO, MP Rembau, Khairy Jamaluddin, sendiri tidak setuju dengan naratif UMNO itu dan berkata bahawa Kerajaan telah disalahpandu untuk menbuat penahanan itu. Beliau berkata bahawa beliau sendiri menjadi saksi kepada perdebatan Dr Kumar dalam Parlimen, dan ianya bersifat intelektual dan tiada elemen subversif. Maka Khairy Jamaluddin berjanji akan membawa isu utk membebaskan EO6 kepada Najib Razak sebaik sahaja beliau balik dari luar negara.  

Timbalan Presiden Majlis Peguam Christopher Leong berkata dalam Forum EO6 yang diadakan bahawa “EO is another form of ISA political tool of the government, hence, if the government uses something that is under amendment, it will receive further criticism. I think by using the EO, the government is seen to pass the buck to the police by saying the detention was done by them, not by the government”

EO is another form of ISA political tool of the government, hence, if the government uses something that is under amendment, it will receive further criticism. I think by using the EO, the government is seen to pass the buck to the police by saying the detention was done by them, not by the government”

Kami juga menerima surat bantahan dari Belgian Section of the Committee for a Workers’ International, membantah penahanan PSM EO6 yang dihantar kepada Perdana Menteri Malaysia.

PSM juga dimaklumkan bahawa Sarasvathy telah dibawa ke Hospital kerana mengalami sakit dada. Saudara keluarga Sarasvathy menimbulkan rasa kekecewaan mereka terhadap polis kerana gagal memberikan maklumat yang jelas mengenai keadaan kesihatan Saras.

Video peguam Yudistra dan Edmond Bon yang failkan permohonan Harbeas Corpus di Mahkamah. Peguam yang dapat berjumpa dengan tahanan Sugumaran dan Sarasvathy membongkarkan pengalaman dan soalsiasat yang lalui oleh kedua-dua mereka itu.

Protes candle light vigil berterusan pada malam hari di Bukit Aman.

 

 

 

NGO2 wanita adakan sidang akhbar menuntut pembebasan PSM EO6.

 

 


Siri #HariIniDalamSejarah ini akan menjejaki usaha PSM dalam Perjuangan Membebaskan Tahanan PSM EO6 sehingga hari mereka dibebaskan pada 29 Julai, 2011. Nantikan kiriman kami yang seterusnya.

#PartiSosialis

ℹ️ Untuk maklumat terkini, sertai saluran Telegram PSM di 👉 t.me/partisosialis

 

10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021)

20th July, 2021 – 10 years ago today  – Remembering the turbulent political times, here we share writings from various from activist, academics, supporters and many others that demanded the release of the PSM EO6. 

 

NH Chan, a much respected former Court of Appeal Judge expresses in the blog as follows ;

“ The regime and its underlings the police behaved as expected of tyrants – typical of all bullies they were afraid of their own shadow – they saw the ghosts of the insurgency of Chin Peng and the CPM (Communist Party of Malaya) being revived…..Returning to the hullabaloo of the police on the involvement of national security and public order, don’t they know, as all of us already know, that communism as an ideology had collapsed with the fall of the Berlin wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Union? There is no more threat from any idea of communist expansionism from Chinese communists as China has turn to capitalism and has prospered as the world’s second largest economy next to America..”

Read more: https://www.loyarburok.com/2011/07/20/death-knell-tyranny/

 

The then DAP chairperson Karpal Singh also lambasted Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nazri Abdul Aziz for getting his facts wrong in seeking to defend the detention of six PSM activists under the Emergency Ordinance. “ As the de facto minister of law, much more is expected of him than “irresponsible and inaccurate” statements over the law as well as his defence of its application against the ‘PSM Six’ as the activists have been dubbed” , Karpal added that out that the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance No 5 of 1969 came about following the May 13 riots, not for the purpose of combatting communism.

As the de facto minister of law, much more is expected of him than “irresponsible and inaccurate” statements over the law as well as his defence of its application against the ‘PSM Six’ as the activists have been dubbed

– Karpal Singh

“This ordinance (EO) has all along been used to quell gangland activities. It has never been used to combat communism,” said Karpal in a statement today.

The use of the EO amounts to “unadulterated abuse of it” and the six persons detained should be released immediately, he said.

 

International support demanding the release of the PSM EO6 comrades continue to pour in. MP in Australia from The Greens David Shoebridge. Member of the New South Wales Legislative Council writes as follows to the Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak.

Besides the pressure from local and international leaders, our lawyers kept the pressure by exposing all police conducts against the PSM EO6. In a press conference, the lawyers further exposed the government’s tactics in trying to justify the arrest of the EO 6. Lawyer Arumugam whom met Letchumanan to get his signature of the affidavit informed that Letchumanan was subjected to polygraph test by the police. This action by the police is definitely a form of mental torture and an attempt to break the mental strength of the detainee. Whether it is also used on other detainees he was unable to confirm at that time.

Regional left parties also issued solidarity statements demanding that the PSM EO6 be released as soon as possible . The statement is reproduced here as follows;

Regional left statement in solidarity with PSM: Free all political prisoners! Democracy for the Malaysian people!

July 8, 2011 — On June 19, 2011, a campaign called Bersih 2.0 was called by the Malaysian people for a free and fair elections in the country with the 13th General Election around the corner. Bersih 2.0 also called a gathering for July 9, 2011. On June 24, the Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM, Socialist Party of Malaysia) launched a Udahlah BN, Bersaralah (Enough BN, retire now) campaign. The PSM campaign aimed to expose the corruption of the Barisan Nasional (BN) government and also to drum up support for the Bersih 2.0 rally.

Since June 22, more than 100 individuals have been arrested because they have expressed their support for a mass rally on July 9, called for by the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections (Bersih). As of now, 81 people have been arbitrarily arrested and detained by the police at various locations in the country before the Bersih 2.0 rally. A further 15 people have been called or summoned by the police for their statements to be recorded in relation to the Bersih 2.0 rally. The police harassment and intimidation included arresting people for wearing Bersih 2.0 T-shirts, distributing Bersih 2.0 leaflets, holding and carrying Bersih 2.0 T-shirts, taking 112 statements for more than one time, denying access to lawyers and medication during the detention period and the sexual harassment of women activists.

On July 3, six PSM members, including Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj (a member of parliament), have been rearrested under the Emergency Ordinance (EO), which allows for 60-day detention without trial, renewable for up to two years at the discretion of the home minister. The six were part of a group of 30 PSM activists who were remanded on June 25 for allegedly “waging war against the king”.

We view these acts of the Malaysian government as the suppression of the democratic rights of the Malaysian people. This is part of an attempt to protect the elite power that has been in power for years in Malaysia through the United Malays National Organisation-Barisan Nasional (UMNO-BN) regime.

We strongly condemn the Malaysian government for using harassment, arrest and intimidation as a method to try to silence opposition to the anti-democratic, anti-poor and anti-working-class policies of the Malaysian government.

We demand:

  1. That the government of Malaysia immediately and unconditionally release all the PSM activists in detention.
  2. That the government of Malaysia must stop all forms of repression and intimidation against the Malaysian people from expressing their democratic rights.
  3. We call on all the socialist and pro-democratic movements, in South East Asia and all the world, to build and give solidarity to the PSM and to the Malaysian people who are being repressed and arrested.

We also declare our fullest support for the ongoing campaign and the struggle of the Malaysian people for democracy.

Signed by:

Asia-Pacific

Socialist Alliance (Australia), Reorganize Committee-Working People Association (KPO-PRP Indonesia), Resistance (Australia), Labour Party Pakistan (LPP), Party of Labouring Masses (PLM, Philippines), Socialist Aotearoa (New Zealand), Solidarity (Australia), Peoples Democratic Party (PRD Indonesia), Political Committee of the Poor-People’s Democratic Party (Indonesia), All Pakistan Federation of United Trade Unions, Radical Socialist (India), Nava Sama Samaja Party (NSSP, Sri Lanka), All Together (South Korea), Revolutionary Socialist Party (Australia), Australia Asia Worker Links, Vi Pham (Vietnam), Partido ng Manggagawa (Philippine), Herlounge (Indonesia), Empower Foundation (Thailand), Confederation Congress of Indonesia Union Alliance (KASBI), Vipar Daomanee, Turn Left Organisation Thailand, Turn Left Organisation Thailand, Socialist Alternative (Australia), Socialist Worker-New Zealand.

Europe

Left Party (Sweden), Communist Party of Sweden (SKP), Partido Obrero Revolucionario (POR, Spain).

Latin America

Union de Militantes por el Socialismo (UMS, Argentina).

Read more: http://www.marxist.com/asia-pacific-socialists-demand-free-political-prisoners-malaysia.htm

END


10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021)

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Siri 21 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

Siri 21 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

#HariIniDalamSejarah  
20 Julai 2011

20 Julai – Berhubung dengan kenyataan Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Dato Mohamed Nazri pada 19 Julai yang polis berhak menahan kami kerana tuduhannya ialah mengenai membangkitkan ideologi komunisme, kami dengan segera mengadakan satu sidang akhbar pada hari ini, 20 Julai, 2011 untuk membidas kenyataan Menteri JPM itu.

Sidang akhbar dihadiri oleh pelbagai aktivis masyarakat yang turut menekankan fakta gambar dan buku-buku yang memaparkan pemimpin Parti Komunis Malaya yang dibubarkan itu tidak boleh digunakan sebagai sebab untuk terus menahan aktivis PSM. Jika penahanan tersebut berdasarkan pemaparan hubungan dengan pimpinan komunis, jadi bagaimana pula gambar Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mao Tse Tung yang menjadi poster kempen utama pada tahun 1970an itu.

Bilik sidang akhbar dipenuhi dengan pelbagai T Shirt dan juga buku-buku biodata pemimpin komunis, demi mematahkan naratif hantu bayangan komunis yang ingin dimainkan oleh Mohamed Nazri dan UMNO.

Pada malam hari itu, suatu forum di adakan di auditorium Bar Council (Majlis Peguam Malaysia) Kuala Lumpur. Forum itu dihadiri oleh begitu ramai rakyat mendengar berita terkini mengenai tahanan PSM EO6.

Forum diikuti oleh protes diluar bangunan Majlis Peguam pada malam itu juga.

 


Siri #HariIniDalamSejarah ini akan menjejaki usaha PSM dalam Perjuangan Membebaskan Tahanan PSM EO6 sehingga hari mereka dibebaskan pada 29 Julai, 2011. Nantikan kiriman kami yang seterusnya.

#PartiSosialis

ℹ️ Untuk maklumat terkini, sertai saluran Telegram PSM di 👉 t.me/partisosialis

 

 

Letter from Dr. James V. Jesudason

10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021). 

19 July 2011

I write with great concern over the incarceration of Sungai Siput parliamentarian Dr D Jeyakumar, or Kumar, under the Emergency Ordinance. It is mystifying to me how the authorities can construe Kumar’s commitments and political activities as either waging war against the Agong or subverting the nation.

What has become of the Malaysian power structure that such an individual, widely seen as brilliant and deeply caring, can be so cynically arrested by using the bogeyman of communism? As an old friend, it is equally worrisome to hear that he has been admitted to the National Heart Institute (IJN), with the possible harm to his health brought about by this outrageous action.

Kumar and I go back a long way. There is a family picture of him and me when we were one year old, but I do not remember the encounter. We became friends in Penang Free School, where Kumar spent more time in community and educational projects than in class, though still managing to become the top student in our school.

After the Higher School Certificate exam (HSC) in 1973, we travelled together for two months in India. I wished to be far away from home when my HSC results came out and Kumar wanted to understand why so many people were poor in India.

Later both of us went to the United States to study, he at Yale and I nearby at Wesleyan. To my surprise, but totally consistent with his desire to lead a socially meaningful life, Kumar decided to return to Malaysia to do medicine as this would enable him to understand and serve his fellow beings, especially the weak and marginalised, better.

Although I would be based mainly in Singapore and the US subsequently, I would meet Kumar from time to time, and learn of his political and community service activities and his thinking on Malaysian society.

Much has been said already in Malaysiakini and elsewhere about Kumar’s amazing range of public health and social projects, so I need not be redundant.

All I wish to say is that in all the time I have known Kumar, I have never seen any violent streak in his person, he being constitutionally incapable of such behaviour. And being a very gentle person, he is averse to forcing his ideas on anyone or to act against basic democratic norms. He has been an enabler all his life, not a subverter.

Jeyakumar’s dreams

So let’s get a few facts straight. Kumar is a self-avowed socialist and is totally transparent about it. He is suspicious of the profit motive, believes that rampant capitalism has led to environmental disaster and sees a moral link between capitalism and selfish behaviour in society.

He believes that in many contexts, such as in Malaysia, the capitalist system can by-pass the needs of poor communities. He would like to see a more equal society. That entails not sitting by and idly wishing for it or just talking intellectually about it, but actually working to ensure that the poor are organised and have strong leverage in society.

Kumar might have a dream of more equality and a less materialistic life, but it is not a violent dream. It is not a dream that denies religion and/or the value of democratic processes. In the meantime, he and his colleagues are serving the poor in meaningful ways, though constrained by available resources, and groups across ethnic lines have approached them for help.

No decent society arrests such an individual. And from my viewpoint, it can in fact be argued that increasing the social power of the marginalised and weaker segments of society is not just a matter of justice, but is necessary for a productive and progressive capitalism.

For example, in European social democracy, high productivity capitalism coincides with enormous social sharing and low corruption. This system, which I admire, has been underpinned by the strong mobilisation and representation of the working and subordinate classes in politics.

It did not come about from the top-down favours bestowed by the elite, but from the increased social power of the lower classes, through unionisation and political mobilisation, which forced capitalism to be more equitable and, ironically, very dynamic as well. Here’s where Adam Smith, the proponent of free markets, meets Karl Marx, the proponent of a socialised economy.

There is nothing alarming in this formulation. It’s just conventional social science. One can disagree with Kumar’s socialist ideas, but the point is to engage him, debate with him, or to challenge him by providing an even better deal for his party’s would-be supporters. But to arrest him?

Either the authorities do not understand the basic logic of how societies work, or they actually want to block a more moral form of capitalism from taking root.

Predatorial politics

This leads me to another deep worry. I used to write and lecture on Malaysia, arguing that its governance system was able to survive for a long time because of its flexibility.

I called the Malaysian system a “syncretic state” by which I meant the regime was able to balance capitalism and a decent deal for the weaker sectors, democracy with selective coercion, secularism with religious identity, and nationalism with controlled ethnic mobilisation.

I fear that over time, politics in Malaysia has taken on more predatorial features. Political power is sought to serve narrow self-interests, whose maintenance has resulted in the undermining of institutions. The negative side of the balance is becoming dangerously entrenched. Coercion becomes the easy recourse to political challenges.

Unheard of levels of ethnic and religious brinkmanship become acceptable as a means to maintain power. How much easier to mobilise group emotions on the basis of perceived and concocted threats than to deliver tangible benefits or a high-skilled economy?

And amidst growing alienation, the regime finds itself widening the circle of subversives – it’s no more real threats such as communist insurgents or Islamic terrorists who become targets, but now democratic activists and educated professionals are seen as a danger to society.

This unhealthy milieu has even alienated some of my outstanding Malay students, who are having second thoughts about returning to Malaysia.

There comes a time, in the interest of the nation, for political leaders to understand that social forces and ideas in society have gone beyond the framework imposed by them. Preserving the status quo imposes huge costs on society and tears it apart.

The Singapore government, for example, which used to claim that only its leaders represented rationality and intelligence, leading to much political alienation, have now faced up to the fact that there are many smart people in society with valid ideas who have to be listened to.

In Malaysia, there are now many multiracial coalitions standing for universal principles of freedom and tolerance. There are capable people willing to be MPs and state assemblymen who don’t seek anything more in office other than their official salary to serve the rakyat. And opposition parties are proving that they can run society quite well, certainly no worse than Barisan Nasional.

These are developments which any true nationalist would celebrate. Kumar’s arrest represents a long process of institutional decay and the narrowing of political vision in Malaysia. It is a blatant sign of the inability of the regime to engage with ongoing changes in society or to reform itself.

Recent government actions have undermined all past efforts to make the country look good in the eyes of the world. My Middle Eastern Muslim colleagues and friends think it is laughable when the word ‘Allah’ cannot be used by Christians in Malaysia. And what if I tell them now that yellow shirts are banned in Malaysia? Even Queen Elizabeth would turn yellow.

Enough is enough. Let’s get on with building a real knowledge-based society that is tolerant of a broad variety of ideas in society. The government can take the first step toward reform by releasing Kumar and his colleagues.

JAMES V JESUDASON has a PhD in Sociology from Harvard University and has written broadly on Malaysian politics and economics. He is currently Teaching Professor at the Colorado School of Mines, having previously taught at the National University of Singapore.


10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021)

#PartiSosialis

For the latest updates, subscribe to the Socialist Party of Malaysia’s Telegram channel at t.me/partisosialis

Siri 20 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

Siri 20 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

#HariIniDalamSejarah  
19 Julai 2011

19 Julai – Menteri dalam Jabatan Perdana Menteri Mohamed Nazri mengeluarkan kenyataan bahawa polis mempunyai hak untuk menggunakan sama ada Ordinan Darurat (EO) atau Kanun Keseksaan kerana enam suspek berkenaan disyaki cuba menghidupkan semula ideologi komunis yang telah diharamkan di Malaysia.

Mohamed Nazri berkata walaupun EO digubal dan dikuatkuasakan sebagai langkah untuk membanteras pemberontakan komunis pada 1948 hingga 1960 dan juga semasa tempoh darurat singkat selepas rusuhan kaum 13 Mei, 1969, ” ianya telah dikekalkan untuk memastikan perkara seperti ini tidak berlaku.” Ini tidak bermakna bahawa walaupun “gencatan senjata dan darurat dah tamat, kita boleh terima komunisme,” katanya.

Bekas Menteri Besar Perak Dato Nizar, bersama komrad PSM juga telah menangkis hujah Kerajaan yang berulang kali memainkan tohmahan palsu yang sama bahawa kononya PSM ingin mengungkitkan ideology komunis kerana adanya gambar bekas PKM. Tetapi tidakkah buku-buku mengenai pejuang PKM sememangnya tidak diharamkan dan didapati dimana-mana juga? Ada gambar Mao Zedong dan Tun Razak bersalam dengan logo Barisan Nasional terpapar di pejabat ADUN Lintang Sungai Siput YB. Pakir Adam. Tambahannya pula buku-buku tokoh-tokoh haluan kiri seperti Chin Peng – My side of History. Memoir Abdullah CD, Memoir Rashid Maidin. Memoir Samsiah Fakeh dan Memoir Suriani masih jual di kedai-kedai buku.

Dalam satu sidang media di KLSCAH, peguam Edmund Bon mengatakan bahawa penahanan dan tuduhan yang dilemparkan keatas, PSM EO6 adalah sama jalan ceritanya seperti mana yang dibuat masa penahanan reformasi 1997-1998. Iaitu dimana mereka juga dituduh memiliki senjata berbahaya untuk mengulingkan Kerajaan.

Edmund Bon memberitahu sebanyak 21 affidavit telah difailkan untuk menyokong permohonan Harbeas Corpus di Mahkamah .

Dalamn sidang akhbar itu juga kami menimbulkan kerisauan bahawa peguam negara Abdul Gani Patail akan memohon untuk penangguhan kes pendengaran Harbeas Corpus.

Pada hari ini juga seramai 5000 lebih para doktor dari Federation of Private Medical Practitioners’ Associations mendesak agar Dr Jeyakumar dan aktivis PSM dibebaskan segera. “We are extremely concerned at the continued detention of our colleague, Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, whom we all recognise and acknowledge as a law-abiding, competent, kind and diligent doctor.

“We are extremely concerned at the continued detention of our colleague, Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, whom we all recognise and acknowledge as a law-abiding, competent, kind and diligent doctor.

Parti GERAKAN, walaupun menganggotai Barisan Nasional tetapi telah keluar membantah penahanan ini dan mendesak agar aktitivs PSM dibebaskan. Timbalan Presiden GERAKAN Chang Ko Youn berkata “The country upholds the Rule of Law and protection of fundamental human rights where anyone detained must be informed of the grounds of detention and shall be charged promptly if there is sufficient evidence to charge the person.

“Gerakan strongly believes that the six PSM members should not be detained any longer and should be released unconditionally if no law has been broken,

Selain dari aksi diatas, PSM juga menghantar surat kepada IGP menyatakan kami sedia disiasat oleh PDRM.


Siri #HariIniDalamSejarah ini akan menjejaki usaha PSM dalam Perjuangan Membebaskan Tahanan PSM EO6 sehingga hari mereka dibebaskan pada 29 Julai, 2011. Nantikan kiriman kami yang seterusnya.

#PartiSosialis

ℹ️ Untuk maklumat terkini, sertai saluran Telegram PSM di 👉 t.me/partisosialis

Siri 19 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

Siri 19 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

#HariIniDalamSejarah
18 Julai 2011

18 Julai – Perjuangan pembebasan aktivis PSM EO6, diteruskan dan lebih ramai lagi individu dan organisasi turut mengeluarkan kenyataan mengkritik Kerajaan yang menahan PSM EO6 secara berterusan.

Organisasi Promotion of Human Rights (Proham) mengatakan bahawa mereka ragu Kerajaan BN akan melepaskan tahanan EO6. Pengerusinya, Simon Sipaun berkata “ Personally, I doubt it,” . Datuk Dr. Denison Jayasooria dari Proham juga berkata “There must be stronger justification to detain (people under the EO)… These times do not seem to indicate that we are in a state of emergency,

Tan Sri Simon Sipaun
Tan Sri Simon Sipaun
Datuk Dr. Denison Jayasooria
Datuk Dr. Denison Jayasooria

“There must be stronger justification to detain (people under the EO)… These times do not seem to indicate that we are in a state of emergency,

Datuk Dr. Denison Jayasooria 

Ahli Proham dan bekas Hakim KC Vohrah juga mengeluarkan kenyataan tegas mengenai Ordinan Darurat. Beliau berkata “ The trouble with the EO is transparency. We do not know what the offence is. If they (detainees) are charged in court, then the public will know,” he said, adding that due process would be given to the detainees. But now it is kept under wraps. We don’t know what is happening. Do we listen to what the police are saying or what the politicians are saying?”

Kepimpinan PSM Dr Nasir Pengerusi PSM, Arulchelvan SUA dan Bendahari PSM Sivarajan hadir diri di KDN menawarkan diri untuk disiasat oleh KDN. Setiausaha kepada Menteri Dalam Negeri pada ketika itu Hishamuddin Hussien Onn, Datuk Markiman Kobiran menghubungi PSM dan memberitahu bahawa tahanan EO6 akan dibebaskan jika ianya tahanan politik . Beliau juga berjanji dengan PSM akan menyampaikan hasrat PSM mengadakan pertemuan terus dengan Hishamuddin.

 

Setakat 18hb.Julai, laporan polis terhadap Ketua Polis , Timb Ketua Polis dan Menteri telah meningkat ke 486 laporan oleh rakyat dari pelbagai latar belakang dari seluruh Negara.

Organisasi pelajar DEMA dan juga Solidariti Mahasiswa Malaysia (SMM) juga menyampaikan memorandum mendesak pembebasan PSM EO6 pada hari ini juga. 

 


Siri #HariIniDalamSejarah ini akan menjejaki usaha PSM dalam Perjuangan Membebaskan Tahanan PSM EO6 sehingga hari mereka dibebaskan pada 29 Julai, 2011. Nantikan kiriman kami yang seterusnya.

#PartiSosialis

ℹ️ Untuk maklumat terkini, sertai saluran Telegram PSM di 👉 t.me/partisosialis

 

 

Siri 18 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

Siri 18 – Memperingati Perjuangan Pembebasan Aktivis PSM EO6 (2011) – Ulangtahun ke-10

#HariIniDalamSejarah
17 Julai 2011.

17 Julai – 4 organisasi penting mendesak Setiausaha Negara Amerika State Secretary, Hillary Clinton untuk mengkritik Kerajaan Malaysia menindas himpunan BERSIH 2 dan juga tahanan PSM EO6.

Dalam surat yang dihantar oleh 4 organisasi hak asasi manusia antarabangsa iaitu Amnesty International USA, Human Rights Watch, Freedom House and Physicians for Human Rights. Dalam surat tersebut mereka mendesak ..

The US should immediately demand a full and impartial investigation into use of excessive violence by the police, end preventive detention of the six Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) leaders, and un-ban Bersih so that discussions can go forward on badly-needed electoral reforms.”

 “We want the US government to publicly call on the Malaysian government to immediately end all use of preventive detention to hold Bersih, PSM supporters, and other groups that advocate peacefully and stop using laws that provide for preventive detention for political reasons,”

 

Sehingga 17 Julai, 2011, sebanyak 424 laporan polis terhadap Ketua Polis Negara,  Timb Ketua Polis dan Menteri Dalam Negeri telah dibuat mengecam tuduhan palsu dan tahanan berterusan tanpa asas terhadap PSM EO6.

Sekumpulan anak muda yang mengelar diri sebagai generasi 709, ‘Generation 709’ menyambut ulangtahun seminggu sejak himpunan BERSIH memperingati kematian seorang protestan BERSIH, Baharuddin Ahmad. Diketuai oleh Lee Khai Loon seramai 30 orang membuat perarakan singkat dari Taman KLCC Park ke to Avenue K seberang jalan. Generasi 709 juga , mendesak agar aktivis PSM EO6 dibebaskan segera.

Generation 709
Generation 709

Pada hari ini juga, seramai 176 doktor dari organisasi Malaysian Medical Association (MMA) cawangan Perak dan Perak Medical Practitioners Society mengeluarkan kenyataan bersama mendesak agar Dr Kumar dibebaskan segera.

Dalam kenyataan bersama mereka , para doktor mendesak berikut;

We urge the immediate release of our colleague, who is also the Member of Parliament Sungai Siput, Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj.

Dr Jeyakumar and five other Socialist Party of Malaysia (PSM) members were ‘illegally’ detained under the Emergency Ordinance recently. They have been placed in a cruel and unjust situation. They were first accused of waging war against the King and now of being a threat to national security, allegedly trying to revive communist ideology. They are subjected to interrogation and solitary confinement, denied proper visitation rights with their lawyers and close family members. This is of course unacceptable in a civil and democratic society. 

Protes juga diadakan di Speaker Corner di Pulau Pinang.

Pada 17 Julai juga, protes candle light vigil di Kajang diadakan pada malam hari. Ramai turun dari kawasan Kajang memberikan solidariti. Protest diadakan didepan Jalan Besar Kajang di pusat Bandar Kajang.  


Siri #HariIniDalamSejarah ini akan menjejaki usaha PSM dalam Perjuangan Membebaskan Tahanan PSM EO6 sehingga hari mereka dibebaskan pada 29 Julai, 2011. Nantikan kiriman kami yang seterusnya.

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Photo Gallery – 10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance (2011-2021)

Remembering the turbulent political times, PSM remembers the EO6 detainees through a virtual photo exhibition.

 

 

(album link)


10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activists from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021)

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Jeyakumar, the activist doctor

Jeyakumar, the activist doctor

10th year Commemoration of the detention and the struggle to release the 6 PSM activist from Emergency Ordinance. (2011-2021). 

Remembering the turbulent political times, here we share writings from various from activist, academics, supporters and many other that demanded the release of the PSM EO6, – Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj (the current PSM Chairperson), Sugumaran , Letchumanan, Choo Chon Kai, Sarasvathy, and Sarath Babu.

Jeyakumar, the activist doctor

Khoo Boo Teik

(originally published in malaysiakini)

Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj, or Kumar as I call him, is a public figure of enormous stature. Very much respected for his achievements and contributions to medicine and public health in Malaysia, he was the recipient of the Malaysian Medical Association’s 1999 Award for Community Service.

As a government physician, Kumar served many years in hospitals in Penang, Sarawak and Perak, and chose optional retirement when he ran in the 1999 general elections. In addition, Kumar is a tireless social advocate and activist.

Kumar and I were classmates from Form 1 to Upper Sixth Form in the Penang Free School between 1967 and 1973. In subsequent years, while we attended universities in the United States (and, for Kumar, Universiti Malaya as well), and after we began our own careers, we maintained frequent, though irregular, contacts.

Some people may think of the dispossessed and marginalised communities as simply being ‘unfortunate’ in that they have neither benefited from booms nor been protected from slumps. Others consider them to belong to the past – to sunset sectors and redundant labour ready to be dumped by globalisation’s sunrise industries, new technologies and emerging divisions of labour.

I believe Kumar’s reply would be: the history of marginalisation covers the past, present and future. If our economic system and structures of power are not significantly changed (for the better), then we already have a very good idea of how an entire developmental process will reproduce our treatment of the marginalised of the past and present as our treatment of the dispossessed of the future.

Both doctor and social critic

Precisely for the above reason, one has to understand and act. Kumar’s insistence on uncovering the roots of economic deprivation and his refusal to rationalise away the causes of social injustice supply the radical edge to his activism.

Above all, it is Kumar’s willingness to do something about the injustices he encounters, and to do so here and now, that is the hallmark of his blend of personal conviction, intellectual criticism and activist intervention.

Kumar has never treated people as ‘topics for research’. He did choose, out of a sense of professional responsibility and social concern, to be posted to Sarawak after his housemanship at the Penang General Hospital in 1983: ‘All my three posting options were for Sarawak.’

Kumar spent seven months in Kuching, and then requested a posting to Kapit, a ‘more rural, more remote’ location. That was in 1984, and Kumar was stationed there for the next one and a half years.

Kapit was remote – ‘the last boat for Sibu left at 2pm and you couldn’t send any patient to a bigger hospital after that’ – and ‘challenging for someone in his third year out of medical school’. The doctor in Kapit had his or her hands full since, for instance, ‘one had to do surgical procedures even though one wasn’t a surgeon’.

But one had considerable freedom, and there was the chance of working with the Flying Doctors Service that sent doctors by helicopter to clinics in the remote interior twice a week – a service that Kumar praised.

Kumar found his posting in Kapit and his experiences with the Flying Doctors ‘very challenging’. Besides the medical work – ‘immunisations, examinations, treatments’ – there were opportunities to observe at first hand even more remote areas, around Belaga, for example. Kumar saw ‘areas that had been logged’ but noted that in areas that had not been logged, the ‘waters were still blue’ and the ‘rivers full of fish’.

Being a doctor in those remote parts – ‘a very high position’ – and especially being the humble, likeable and curious individual that Kumar is – opened doors, brought invitations and eased conversations. Kumar could talk with people from all walks of life – longhouse residents, headmen and logging camp managers.

He asked questions and made comparisons: why were there ‘more cases of protein malnutrition in logged areas’ in contrast to unlogged districts whose rivers were ‘still blue’ and ‘full of fish’?

Kumar heard stories and made connections: how could it be that ‘six villages unsuccessfully applied for land for 20 years, while local politicians obtained logging concessions which they passed onto businessmen, in return for royalties and payoffs? He was shown letters by headmen, and maps and data by camp managers, and drew his own conclusions.

Towards the end of his Kapit posting, Kumar was sometimes worried, ‘even paranoid’. The stories he had heard and the things he had learnt were politically ‘sensitive’ and potentially damaging to people with vested interests.

Nonetheless, he wrote about the effects of the Batang Ai dam construction on longhouse residents, logging accidents ending in terrible injuries or fatalities and suspected corruption in the awards of timber concessions to the politically influential and commercially powerful.

Kumar would be the last person to romanticise the things he did while he was in Sarawak. I have related Kumar’s Kapit experience at some length because it shaped his modus operandus, which was to detect the ‘social dimensions of health’, when other similarly conscientious and caring doctors would have contended merely with medical problems.

The privatisation of healthcare

Re-posted from Kapit to the District Hospital in Teluk Intan, Perak, Kumar treated a number of cases of beri beri (thiamine deficiency) among migrant workers of East Timorese origin and especially among those detained in immigration detention centres.

He sent letters to the Health Ministry, general hospitals in Ipoh and Kuala Lumpur, and to all government clinics and hospitals located close to said detention centres to alert them and to ask for feedback. Subsequently, ‘sad to say, a spate of beri-beri deaths in the Semenyih Camp was exposed by Tenaganita in 1995′.

In a replication of his work in Kapit, Kumar established connections between the medical and the social problems of the Orang Asli. Working in a state which has one-third of the Orang Asli population, Kumar called on healthcare professionals to understand that the ‘health problems of the Orang Asli are but the epiphenomenon of their progressive marginalisation’, and to ‘urge a strict prohibition of all economic ventures that impinge adversely upon Orang Asli’.

As a chest physician in Ipoh Hospital, Kumar wrote of the ‘increased transmission of tuberculosis in Malaysia and the weakening of the existing TB control programme’. This was an unfortunate development because the incidence of TB in Malaysia had fallen from more than 150 cases per 100,000 people in 1960 to 61 cases per 100,000 people in the late 1990s.

The re-emergence of the dangers of TB transmission was definitely linked to the ‘cramped and unhygienic living conditions … malnutrition and heavy physical labour’ that contributed to the ‘reactivation of … latent TB’ in poor migrant workers.

But Kumar also traced it to the deleterious outcome of ‘the government’s fascination with corporatisation and privatisation’ which would sacrifice ‘one of the few success stories of TB control in the Third World’ at ‘the altar of market economics’.

From these kinds of positions, it was a small step to critiquing the dangers privatisation posed to the state of public health services. Together with his medical colleagues in public hospitals and NGOs, Kumar organised opposition to the ‘corporatisation of government hospitals’, ‘the privatisation of the Government Medical Store’, ‘the dismemberment of the Malaysian health services’, et cetera, each time making linkages amongst health services, economic policies and political priorities.

 It was not the first time that a medical doctor, with primary responsibility for the treatment of the human body, came to be just as involved with the reform of the body politic. Of course, there have been doctors before, indeed other professionals too, who, while devoted to their areas of specialisation, have found it impossible to resolve their concerns without referring to ‘society as a whole’.

They began as technical experts and ended up as social critics. But this tradition of integrating social criticism with professional work has sharply declined.

I cannot imagine that Kumar would regard his experiences to be unique. But I think of Kumar’s approach as being different from that of the ‘public intellectual’ who first picks a cause, an issue or a concern – human rights, the environment, consumer protection – and then adds said cause to his or her intellectual pursuits.

For Kumar, professional work, intellectual criticism and activist mobilisation were inseparable, wherever he found himself. As so often happened, such a critical and activist approach led directly to ‘politics’, as most people would understand the term.

An outsider who wants to be a credible organiser among marginalised communities must have several virtues, among which are an ability to render needed services and a readiness to stand by people in times of trouble.

Estate communities in Sungai Siput

The story of Alaigal is a case in point. Alaigal was founded by several social activists, including Kumar and his wife, Maharani Rasiah, an activist in her own right, after they had worked with five estate communities in Sungai Siput for several years. Alaigal is a community organisation that grew out of years of selfless, voluntary services that won the confidence of workers and their families.

Initially, the main form of service was educational in intent and approach – the activists held extra-curricular tuition classes to improve the academic performance of estate children. There was then a strong sense that educational achievement, family-supported but individually attained, was the answer to the poverty prevalent in the mostly Indian estate communities.

But the workers, their families and communities also made wider connections – between, say, their children’s low educational attainments and their income levels and housing conditions. They began to understand that, if their children failed to make the cut, the failure was not theirs and theirs alone, which was what certain organisations argued.

In short, the communities discovered ‘structural’ problems – their ‘unfavourable’ position in the economy and society – and this realisation helped to alleviate the ‘blaming-the-victim’ syndrome under which they had laboured for generations.

Around 1993, a network of likeminded NGOs, including Alaigal, began an estate-based campaign to upgrade estate living conditions. The main demand of the campaign was that the government should categorise estate quarters as ‘rural’ so as to bring them under the responsibility of the Rural Development Ministry.

In this way, facilities and utilities provided to traditional kampungs could also be enjoyed by the estate population. The campaign actively sought to make these issues known to Malaysian society at large and to obtain public backing via petitions, postcards and other forms of publicity.

At the end of 1994, a second campaign was launched to ask Barisan Nasional as well as opposition party candidates in the 1995 general election to include the demands of the estate communities in their election pledges.

These campaigns brought estate problems to national attention. But, apart from causing a shift of official responsibility for estates of less than 1,000 acres from the Labour Ministry to the Rural Development Ministry, the campaign brought no tangible benefits to the estate communities. In 1996, another campaign was initiated to demand monthly and minimum wages for estate workers across the country.

Accusations of outside agitation always missed the point. It was never a question of anyone brainwashing entire communities. The estate communities did not lack self-reliance or independent thinking.

They organised themselves and mobilised to overcome shared obstacles. They networked with groups having similar concerns. The wage campaign networks stretched from Kedah to Negeri Sembilan and, at a critical point, sent 1,000 workers to gather before Parliament.

Other voluntary organisations had previously helped estate communities to articulate their grievances and problems. But powerful commercial and political interests were alarmed when the communities moved beyond a narrow focus, say, on education. And then the vulnerability of marginalised communities became evident: again and again, their activities were paralysed by overt and covert police action.

The ‘coalition of the marginalised’, as Kumar called it, expanded: estate workers, urban pioneers, Orang Asli, displaced vegetable farmers, retrenched factory workers, van drivers facing harassment from the authorities, stall owners threatened with eviction, and others.

The point was that ‘our team had a lot of credibility’ for being ‘sturdy and reliable’ and ‘people trusted us; they knew we would not leave them when the going got tough’. Soon ‘people stood by us’ because ‘we had stood by them’, and a very helpful network of the various groups was established.

A comradeship of humanity

One might call this approach a non-standard way of entering politics. Kumar did not become a politician by joining a party, accepting its programme and obeying its leaders’ instructions.

From Kapit to Sungai Siput, Kumar was compelled to address real situations and genuine difficulties experienced by different communities of people. For a long time – and even now – his politics consisted of learning from these people, offering them a voice, solidarity, and setting an example.

 In the context of the 1990s, that seemed to be the most sensible way of struggling for social justice. But notwithstanding the apparent triumph of global capitalism, Kumar and his friends decided that questions of ideology could not be simply set aside. They, and Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim ( right ) and friends, believed that socialism should remain the alternative to capitalism.

At the same time, the ‘grassroots’ pushed for a party, ‘our party’ – ‘instead of always supporting the opposition parties’. That was how Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) came to be formed. For 10 years, the government refused to register it as a lawful political party. Characteristically, PSM took the government to court.

Kumar is realistic: PSM has ‘no ghost of a chance of forming a government’. But the unlikelihood of a grand triumph should never stop anyone from posing alternatives to injustice.

In this case, Kumar and his friends pose socialism as a moral alternative to BN’s unfettered capitalism that has undermined what had been ‘an equitable healthcare system’, and other improvements to social services and social security that had provided significant benefits for common working people.

To me, that is a responsible assessment of current political realities in Malaysia. More than that, such an assessment affirms the core of Kumar’s politics. I am not suggesting that Kumar embarked on his activism with no more than goodwill. When he started, he already possessed more than an intelligent grasp of political economy and socialist theory.

However, his socialism was never based on doctrines, abstractions and propaganda. Today, Kumar ‘speaks truth to power’ with the kind of courage and sincerity that Malaysian politics has rarely seen with the passing of Dr Tan Chee Khoon, himself a labourite and Christian.

At heart, Kumar’s socialism derives inspiration and sustenance from the moral principles, values and examples of ‘liberal Christianity’ that were, to put it simply, ‘found at home’.

These were the moral principles and ethical values of the Devaraj family – Dr T Devaraj and his wife, Elizabeth, and their children, Kumar, Sheila, Rajen and Prema, and their spouses.

Those who know the Devaraj family are aware of how its principles and values have been expressed in a long list of social commitments: National Cancer Society, Hospice, Children’s Protection Society, Aliran, Women’s Crisis Centre, et cetera.

With his family, Kumar shares a humble yet compelling combination of moral conviction, professional dedication and social duty. The combination expresses itself now in social work, now in activism, and, when the times call for it, in politics, too.

In it, you and I will not find sectarian tendencies, or dogmatic dependence on ideological lines, or textbook fetishes. Nor will we find arrogant and easy assumptions about what to do with the lives of people with whom one finds a comradeship of humanity.

Instead, we will discover a deep and intuitive awareness that marginalised communities live in our midst, dispossessed by progress, expropriated by capital, and neglected by the state.

Is that enough of a summons to a struggle for justice? For Kumar, it is. And if he calls such a struggle for justice ‘socialism’, who are we to differ?


KHOO BOO TEIK is the author of ‘Paradoxes of Mahathirism: An Intellectual Biography of Mahathir Mohamad’ and ‘Beyond Mahathir: Malaysian Politics and its Discontents’.

The above is an abstract from an introduction by Khoo in ‘Jeyakumar Devaraj, Speaking Truth to Power: A Socialist Critique of Development in Malaysia’.

Jeyakumar, Sungai Siput MP, is currently being detained without trial with five others under the Emergency Ordinance on suspicion of “causing civil unrest by any means”.

Original Article on Malaysiakini